The Shifting Sands: Morocco’s New Reality Post-Abraham Accords by Mohamed El Metmari

As I mentioned in a previous opinion piece, Morocco has maintained secret or informal relations with Israel since the reign of the authoritarian King Hassan II. Notably, he once invited Israeli Mossad and Shin Bet agents to bug the Casablanca hotel where the 1965 Arab League Summit was being held. Additionally, during his reign, Morocco forced the emigration of its Jewish population to help populate Israel.

In fact, prior to the public announcement of the accords, the Moroccan state had already acquired the Israeli spyware Pegasus. According to Amnesty International, this spyware was used against Western Sahara activists, human rights defenders, and, most notably, investigative journalist Omar Radi, who was later detained by Moroccan authorities in July, 2020.

By the time the agreements were signed, Morocco had already silenced independent and outspoken journalists, leaving the field open for its state-sponsored media to shape the narrative for the Moroccan public.

The regime ensured there was no real opposition to the accords by imprisoning activists and independent journalists, instilling fear in the public, and discouraging dissent. Moreover, it strategically involved the ruling Islamist party in signing the accords to deflect popular anger. The government also exploited COVID-19 curfews to prevent assemblies or protests against the arrival of Zionist Israelis in Morocco.

Despite all these restrictions, Moroccan human rights defenders and activists remained steadfast in their rejection of relations with the Israeli regime. They did not hesitate to condemn Israel whenever violations occurred in the West Bank, the occupied territories, and especially in Gaza.

To appease the public and justify their agreements with Israel, Morocco and other Arab states claimed their goal was to facilitate the creation of a Palestinian state. However, following the events of October 7^th and the subsequent invasion of Gaza, it became clear that Israel does not support the establishment of a Palestinian state or a two-state solution. This stance had been explicitly expressed by prominent Israeli figures even earlier, including Prime Minister Netanyahu, who referenced a map of Greater Israel during his address to the 78^th session of the United Nations General Assembly on September 22^nd, 2023.

Arab states, particularly those with close ties to Israel, like Morocco, did not respond to Netanyahu or Israel’s previous violations, underscoring the significant role of the public in reinforcing the severance of ties with this regime.

In Morocco, the Abraham Accords were initially promoted as a peace-building initiative aimed at reconnecting Moroccan Jews in Israel with their homeland. However, the true intentions soon became apparent, as the neoliberal elite—whose authority had long surpassed that of the political parties—exploited the accords to extend their interests, businesses, and influence into Israel, and vice versa.

Soon, powerful figures in agriculture, security, trade, and technology announced partnerships with Israeli counterparts. These collaborations extended to academia, as some of Morocco’s most prominent academic institutions and universities formed partnerships with Israeli universities and institutes, with Mohamed VI Polytechnic University standing out as the most notable.

With the powerless Moroccan government remaining unresponsive to the chants in the streets, it became evident who truly governs the country. These entities are considered untouchable, and anyone who criticizes them faces detention or legal action.

This was the case for journalists and activists, including members of the Al-Adl Wal-Ihsan group (Justice and Benevolence) and the Moroccan Front for Supporting Palestine and Anti-normalization, which is part of Morocco’s BDS efforts. Some of these activists were detained for protesting and organizing demonstrations, while others were charged for online posts expressing strong condemnation of the Moroccan regime for maintaining relations with Israel despite the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

A well-known incident involved 13 activists from BDS Morocco were put on trial for their involvement in boycotting Carrefour, one of the companies complicit in the genocide for continuing to send aid to IOF soldiers during their aggressive attacks on Gaza.

This reality of detention has already befallen many, especially those who have become more vocal in their condemnation of the US-backed Israeli actions in Gaza. This has been particularly true for members of the Al-Adl Wal-Ihsan group, who have been at the forefront of the demonstrations.

A peculiar incident occurred when Moroccan journalist Youssef El Hirech was detained. The Moroccan authorities did not disclose the actual reasons for his arrest, but many believe it was due to a now-deleted Facebook post about Princesses Lalla Hasnaa and Lalla Asmae’s partnership with the Israeli hotel chain, Selina, amid the ongoing war in Gaza.

News of this partnership was first reported by the francophone platform Le Desk in French, a language spoken primarily by the country’s elite. However, El Hirech wrote about it in Arabic, the language of the general public. What makes this case notable is that it marks the first time the royal family—who hold a sacred position in the Moroccan consciousness—has been scrutinized and criticized for its public ties to Israel. Previously, it was typically the government that bore the brunt of such criticism.

Furthermore, one of the king’s senior advisers, André Azoulay, is not only Jewish but was also awarded a Presidential Medal of Distinction by President Isaac Herzog last September for his peace-building efforts and mediation. This made it clear that the royal family’s ties to Israel are undeniable and can no longer escape public scrutiny or debate. Such discussions, however, are not welcomed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Security, which lies at the heart of what Moroccans refer to as ‘Al-Makhzen.’

Al-Makhzen not only consists of the monarchy and top-ranking military personnel but also includes elite businessmen and well-connected individuals with close ties to the royal palace. In a country where wealth and power are centralized, it is these groups that have benefited the most from the Abraham Accords, expanding their influence into Israeli markets—particularly in agriculture and agrotechnology, where Israel is a pioneer.

The government, the legal body that signed the accords with the Israeli delegations, has proven so weak that it could not oppose the interests of the elites by responding to the public’s desire to cut ties with Israel. Moreover, it mobilized its forces to suppress any marches or protests condemning Israel. In doing so, the government’s response to these protests has only exposed the real underlying political forces that truly control the power dynamics in the country.

There were not only crackdowns on pro-Palestine protesters in the streets, but university students, especially those advocating for divestment from Israeli universities, were also subjected to various forms of restrictions and surveillance.

Such was the case when Abdelmalek Essaadi University closed its doors for four days to prevent students from holding a pro-Palestine convention on campus. As a public university, this action had no legal basis. Yet, this incident was not isolated; Ibn Tofail University had previously closed its doors for three days in 2022 to block a similar event aimed at protesting the normalization of ties with Israel.

Despite the humanly unbearable situation in Gaza, Morocco remains steadfast in its rhetoric regarding Israeli violations, even amid global outcry against Israel. The foreign ministry condemned the violence in the region but stopped short of denouncing the Israeli actions as genocide. This response angered many, as it was seen as equating ‘the victim with the executioner.’

The Moroccan public was further infuriated when Moroccan authorities allowed an Israeli warship to dock in Tangier after Spain had refused it last June. Not only did Morocco ignore the demands of its population, but it also later purchased an Israeli satellite, thereby contributing to the revival of Israel’s economy during the war. It is also worth noting that Morocco has been acquiring weapons, advanced Israeli fighter Jets, and drones since the  signing of the agreements.  

This comes after the ICC issued arrest warrants against the Israeli Prime Minister and some members of his cabinet. Nevertheless, the annual report of the Abraham Accords Peace Institute identified Morocco as the largest trade partner with Israel among the signatories of the Abraham Accords, with total trade exceeding $4 billion USD.

This explains why state-owned media now avoid reporting on the latest developments in Gaza as they once did. Following the rhetoric of the kingdom’s officials, there is minimal coverage of the events, and the media does no longer engage in the global debate surrounding Israeli misconduct.

How could they, given that Morocco’s position on freedom of speech has not only plummeted, but the Muslim kingdom also ranked 144^th out of 180 countries in the 2023 World Press Freedom Index report.

This control over thought and narrative expanded as Moroccan school curriculums were revised to include more ‘Jewish’ elements following normalization. Furthermore, many believe that the Ministry of Endowments and Islamic Affairs’ decision to unify Friday prayer khutbahs is part of the accords’ recommendations to curb Islamic extremism and antisemitism in the Arab world.

Undeniably, Morocco faces a delicate challenge due to its weakness on the global stage and growing ties with Israel. Moroccan officials cannot afford to issue strong condemnations against Israel or publicly support Palestinians in Gaza or the West Bank. The concern is that such actions could jeopardize the financial interests of the elites or place the Western Sahara issue in a precarious position, as the U.S. might revoke its recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the region or cut off military aid, which is crucial for the kingdom’s survival in an unstable region.

This places the country in an ethical dilemma, where its moral, religious, cultural, and historical ties compel it to support Palestine, while its economic and political interests push it to serve imperial powers.

Thus, the relationship with Israel has placed Al-Makhzen in a difficult position following the events of October 7^th. It has also affected the popularity of the royal family, both in Morocco and abroad, particularly because the king, as the ‘Commander of the Faithful,’ is religiously obligated to protect Islamic sites and heritage in Palestine, as well as safeguard the interests, lives, and freedoms of Palestinian Muslims.

On the occasion of his 25^th anniversary as monarch and the sole authority over the kingdom’s political relations, the king issued pardons for several journalists and activists, including members of Al-Adl Wal-Ihsan who were detained for their pro-Palestine views, as well as journalists like El Hirech and Omar Radi. This initiative appears aimed at restoring the king’s image as a compassionate ruler and appeasing a frustrated population amid a transformed political and societal landscape following the Abraham Accords.

Yet, Morocco will eventually need to take a clear and definitive stance on the Israel-Palestine issue. It cannot continue engaging with Israel while advocating for a two-state solution. Additionally, it cannot remain subservient to Benjamin Netanyahu’s persistent provocations and violations, such as his repeated appearances with the Moroccan flag missing its Western Sahara region and belligerently downgrading discourse on Arabs and Muslims.

Mohamed El Metmari is a Moroccan independent writer, English educator and a researcher who writes extensively on Palestine. He obtained his Masters in critical theory, English literature, and Philosophy from Abdelmalek Essaadi University. His thesis focuses on the Khan Younis and Rafah Massacres of 1956. He has contributed opinion articles to platforms like Al Jazeera Arabic, The New Arab, Derin Tarih Magazine, the Palestine Chronicle, Middle East Online and Countercurrents.

E-mail: mohamed.elmermari@etu.uae.ac.ma